The role of traditional institutions in political change and development is the purpose of establishment of those facilities and among development practitioners, there is growing interest in the search for more ‘authentic’ and socially embedded civil society actors. Renewed interest is being shown in whether locally-based traditional institutions match this description, given their continuing importance in respect to local justice,land and community development activities. Close study at the role of traditional institutions, especially chiefs, in Ghanaian society and politics brings to mind the kind of contribution they might make to the strengthening of civil society and to democratic demands for better government.The main arguments of this write up are: 1. Traditional institutions and leadership in Ghana remain a very significant element in society which cannot be ignored,however, they vary enormously across the different cultures and localities of the country, and it is difficult to formulate policies or approaches which would be of general validity. 2. Chieftaincy in particular is a contested and a highly political institution, because of its associations with authority and power, and as a result of its politicisation by successive governments and parties. It cannot be treated simply as a ‘civil society’ group. 3. Extreme caution should therefore be exercised in respect of policies which might encourage a renewal of official participation by chiefs in political life or government. The undoubted contribution that some chiefs make to local development efforts should continue to be structured by informal and community-based mechanisms. 4. On the other hand, their role in land administration is so important that it needs to be more regularised and regulated. The role of traditional institutions in modern Ghana in this write up simly points to the issue that refers to all those forms of social and political authority which have their historical origin in the pre-colonial states and societies, and which were incorporated by British colonial rule into what is now Ghana. On this definition,traditional institutions are very varied. Although indigenous in origin, they have changed in many ways during the colonial and post-colonial periods. They are living institutions, not museum pieces. One of the key challenges to the chieftaincy institution in Ghana is the Historical records in the form of colonial attempts to sidestep the institution and the attempts by the immediate post independence governments to subjugate and divest them of their economic strength through drastic laws, never cowed the institution. Currently, the 1992 Fourth Republic Constitution bars chiefs from participating in partisan politics thus infringing on their inalienable right of free association. The responses of chiefs to current challenges include the setting up of education funds, participating in health education, and sensitizing the people on the dangers of environmental degradation. In sum, the noted resilience of the institution will once more assist in containing the challenges to the institution in the 21st century. Annual festivals in Ghana celebrate the agricultural harvest and commemorate the political authority of local chiefs. Today, multinational corporations such as Guinness, MTN and Vodafone sponsor almost all aspects of festival production. Sponsor participation has transformed festivals into sites saturated with images of commodities and corporate brands. While some chiefs support corporate participation, others deplore sponsors, who they perceive as threatening chiefs’ control over the festival arena. A critical medium through which chiefs and security agencies participate in discourses about cultural and political legitimacy is dress: chiefs clothe members of their entourages alternatively in T-shirts with corporate logos and T-shirts with images of chiefs. During festivals, chiefs orchestrate embodied practices to assert new claims to their political authority based on the nobility of their lineage or their participation in global economic networks. Through an exploration of contemporary dress practices, I argue that what is at stake in corporate-sponsored festivals is the emergence of new logics of value that challenge people to reassess the social and economic relations that underlie the production of political power in Ghana. At one extreme, some Ghanaian societies had extremely hierarchical, militarised forms kingship or chieftaincy. These varied according to how the rulers were chosen. Amongst the Ga-Dangme peopoe of Ghana, for instance in Nungua and Oyibi in particular, the Nungua Mankralo Black Stool rulership was generally discussed and accepted by Nungua natives that the Mankralo rules in both Nungua and Oyibi which dominated most of the Nii Borlabi Dzenge created “villages” within the Ga-Dangme state borderlands. Today, he is the leader of a traditional state, which is also an administrative Region, inhabited by over one million people. He commands the allegiance of a group of divisional chiefs who rule the “villages” as “headsmen” now towns as chiefs/Mantse. “Nunguaman” is in a hierarchy which is replicated down to the village chief level (Sub- chief). Although the Oyibi Mantse Black Stool office is hereditary, in that he must come from a royal patrilineage, he is chosen by a group of ‘kingmakers’ all from Dzenge We in a very competitive process from among a potentially large number of candidates. He can be removed (destooled) if the kingmakers deem him to have breached his oaths of office, although this is not an easy process, and frequently provokes violence. This model of kingship can be found throughout Nii Borlabi Dzenge created “villagss”. 1. Naa Oklomo torkpaa (lineage) was given Worlumor or Wulomor and Oyibi Mantse titles.In this case only FULLY BLOODED are chosen to rule. 2. Naa Adjoa Adjen torkpaa (lineage) was given Oyibi Mantse title.With logical progression it is clear that Naa Oklomo and Naa Adjoa Adjen produce Oyibi Mantse in rotational bases.The Nungua Mankralo Black Stool is superior to the Oyibi Mantse Black Stool though occupied by only FULLY BLOODED pedigree of Nii Borlabi Dzenge. The most sensitive part is the traditional role of the Oyibi mantse,where he is part and parcel of the traditional rulership and progress of the Nungua Mankralo office. The position of Oyibi Mantse is siginificant to all the Ga-Dangme state because Nungua picks the “holy corn” meant for the festival in which the Oyibi Mantse plays a pivoltal role as a key personality working closely with the Nungua Mankralo throughout the festivity period.After which Lante Dzan We inturn picks up the traditional dates and the rest of the Ga quarters and towns derive the various dates for the entire Homowor festival. This is where the Oyibi Mantse Black Stool can not be taken for granted because of its gravity.The intensity of the position is not for people outside the Dzenge We Royal lineage,hence the perculiar role in the celebration of Nungua Mankralo Black Stool “Yam Festival” which traditionally ends in Oyibi as Oyibi Yele Yeli in every last Friday of September in a year and in this case on the 25th September,2020. Nii Borlabi Kukubi Okanshan VI is from Adjoa Adjen lineage and FULLY BLOODED,however Manuel Namu was a farmer from the Northern region of Ghana who worked as a farm labourer in Oyibi hired by a Royal member and his grand son is Christopher Okoe Boye who is now claiming to be Oyibi Mantse.Ladies and gentlemen the said selfstyled chief has fraudulently aquired an extract which was processed without the knowledge of the Dzenge We Kingmakers.This is becoming more serious as it retards community developmental projects and affecting government policy implementation programs. For some time now Oyibi has turn to be troubled in every September and this year as September is just around the corner same issue is visited mainly because the righful antidote has not been firmly applied. By:Samuel Alabi Tetteh
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